On June 9, the House passed the Senate-approved version of S. 2, the "Secure America Act," by a party-line vote of 214-212, giving ICE and CBP more than $64 billion in funding that will last until September 30, 2029. President Trump signed it the next day, ending a months-long attempt by congressional Democrats to starve the two main immigration-enforcement agencies of cash. Congress had passed funding bills for every federal government department and agency through the end of FY 2026 by February 14 — with the sole exception of DHS.
The funding breakdown puts the lion's share of money into enforcement operations. ICE received $31.075 billion to hire, pay, train, and equip personnel at all its directorates, including officers, agents, investigators, attorneys, and support staff to carry out immigration enforcement activities. CBP got $13.02 billion for agents and support staff to carry out immigration enforcement activities, plus another $9.55 billion to hire and equip Border Patrol agents and support personnel for functions other than immigration enforcement and customs. ICE Homeland Security Investigations received $7.45 billion for its agents and support personnel, while $3.45 billion went to border security, technology, and training at CBP. A notable provision set aside $350 million specifically for ICE operations in sanctuary cities and states — jurisdictions without 287(g) agreements or policies allowing employees to communicate with immigration enforcement officers.
The standoff began when congressional Democrats used U.S. citizen Alex Pretti's death during an immigration-enforcement action in Minneapolis on January 24 as a pretext to demand restrictions on ICE and CBP operations, including requiring judicial warrants before entering private property, barring immigration arrests at hospitals and schools, and prohibiting ICE officers from wearing masks. Trump "Border Czar" Tom Homan agreed to some demands in March, including bodycams and limits on enforcement at certain sensitive locations, but rejected others that he said "would make it impossible to fully protect American citizens from dangerous criminal aliens." The funding freeze affected all of DHS, and by late March nearly 500 TSA officers had quit and more than 3,100 weren't showing up for work, creating long airport lines.
The funding impasse broke a critical congressional norm that appropriators had traditionally followed: leaving policy fights to authorizing committees while keeping money flowing for existing operations. According to the report's author, Andrew R. Arthur, a migrant activist turned reporter "asserted he was shocked to learn congressional appropriators would continue funding enforcement programs they disagree with, and who claimed (full or partial) credit for encouraging Democrats to hold out on funding the two agencies." Arthur warns that Democrats will likely conclude they can starve ICE and CBP of funding once they control one or both bodies of Congress. But the bigger danger cuts both ways: Republicans "will likely have long memories and employ similar tactics when the money is intended for something their base doesn't like, such as foreign aid, Obamacare, or environmental subsidies."
The three-plus years of funding in S. 2 means Congress won't need to wrestle with ICE and CBP appropriations for a while, pushing the next fight into the next administration. But the precedent set by this standoff poses a lasting threat to congressional function. Arthur notes that the norm of separating appropriations from policy battles "is either now dead or on life support," comparing it to other broken norms around Senate confirmation of federal judges. The report closes with a warning: "Those who break norms often quickly regret it."